Showing posts with label Romney. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Romney. Show all posts

Monday, November 14, 2022

Who Will Run In 2024? - Updated

The mid-term election is over, which means the 2024 campaign for president is now underway, and you know what that means: Lists. I like lists, in particular lists of who might or might not run, who is or is not running for president. On October 18, 2020, I posted a list of 24 Republicans who appeared to be at least considering a run for president four years in the future. (This was 2 1/2 weeks before the 2020 election took place; at that point there were two possible outcomes for 2024: Donald would be completing his second term or Joe Biden would be gearing up to run for reelection.) Here's that list:   

  1. Governor Greg Abbott, Texas
  2. Rep. Liz Cheney, Wyoming 
  3. Senator Tom Cotton, Arkansas 
  4. Rep. Dan Crenshaw, Texas 
  5. Senator Ted Cruz, Texas 
  6. Governor Ron DeSantis, Florida
  7. Governor Doug Ducey, Arizona
  8. Richard Grenell, former ambassador to Germany and former acting director of national intelligence
  9. Nikki Haley, former ambassador to the United Nations and former South Carolina governor 
  10. Senator Josh Hawley, Missouri
  11. Governor Larry Hogan, Maryland 
  12. Mark Meadows, White House chief of staff and former North Carolina representative 
  13. Governor Kristi L. Noem, South Dakota
  14. Robert C. O’Brien, national security advisor 
  15. Vice President Mike Pence
  16. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo
  17. Senator Mitt Romney, Utah, 2012 Republican nominee for president
  18. Senator Marco Rubio, Florida 
  19. Senator Ben Sasse, Nebraska 
  20. Senator Rick Scott, Florida
  21. Senator Tim Scott. South Carolina 
  22. Senator Patrick J. Toomey, Pennsylvania
  23. Donald Trump Jr. 
  24. Ivanka Trump
Two years later things look a little different. At that time there wasn't much talk about Donald running in 2024 if he lost in 2020, which is why he's not on this list. Don Jr. and Ivanka are, however, but with Donald almost certain to run, the kids are out of contention. Representative Liz Cheney sacrificed her career to pursue the truth as part of the January 6 commitee and Senator Tom Cotton is the first to officially announce that he's not running. He gets to be the first name on the "I'm Not Running" list: 

I'm Not Running
1. Senator Tom Cotton

With those tweaks to the list above, here is my current "I'm Thinking About Running" list: 

I'm Thinking About Running: 
  1. Governor Greg Abbott, Texas
  2. Rep. Dan Crenshaw, Texas 
  3. Senator Ted Cruz, Texas 
  4. Governor Ron DeSantis, Florida
  5. Governor Doug Ducey, Arizona
  6. Richard Grenell, former ambassador to Germany and former acting director of national intelligence
  7. Nikki Haley, former ambassador to the United Nations and former South Carolina governor 
  8. Senator Josh Hawley, Missouri
  9. Governor Larry Hogan, Maryland 
  10. Mark Meadows, White House chief of staff and former North Carolina representative 
  11. Governor Kristi L. Noem, South Dakota
  12. Robert C. O’Brien, national security advisor 
  13. Vice President Mike Pence
  14. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo
  15. Senator Mitt Romney, Utah, 2012 Republican nominee for president
  16. Senator Marco Rubio, Florida 
  17. Senator Ben Sasse, Nebraska 
  18. Senator Rick Scott, Florida
  19. Senator Tim Scott. South Carolina 
  20. Senator Patrick J. Toomey, Pennsylvania
  21. Donald Trump
As soon as candidates start to officially declare they're running, I'll put up the I'm Running list. 

Update on November 16: I hadn't seen it when I initially wrote this post, but on Saturday, the Washington Post posted their list of the top 10 individuals most likely to be the Republican nominee in 2024 and note that their list is ranked, my list above is simply alphabetical. This is how the Washington Post sees the GOP race right now, (or at least as of Saturday): 
  1. Ron DeSantis
  2. Donald Trump
  3. Mike Pence
  4. Gleen Youngkin (Governor of Virginia)
  5. Tim Scott
  6. Kari Lake (former news anchor running for Governor of Arizona)
  7. Ted Cruz
  8. Nikki Haley
  9. Mike Pompeo
  10. Rick Scott
Since the list was published, Kari Lake lost her race for Governor of Arizona, Rick Scott is challenging Mitch McConnell for Senate Minority Leader, and, oh yeah, last night Donald Trump officially announced that he's running for president. Again. That means he gets to be the first name on the "I'm Running" list: 

I'm Running
  1. Donald Trump (November 15, 2022)
Days until the 2024 election: 720

Monday, October 26, 2020

Enthusiasm

Do you remember Jason Miller? He's the deadbeat baby daddy in the "When AJ met Jason" story I've been writing about for the last three years. (You can read those posts here.) Jason is once again working for Donald's reelection campaign, and in fact, he's one of their top spokesmen. Today he said this on MSNBC, about Trump voter enthusiasm: "The Trump supporters? It doesn't matter if it's snowing, if it's raining, they're going to be there. There's a big question on that on the Biden end." 

Talking about Republican voter enthusiasm gives me an excuse to resurrect Peggy Noonan's unintentionally hilarious (and now infamous) paean to the "coming Romney moment" during the 2012 election, featuring lawn signs and good vibrations. Peggy's column, titled "Monday Morning," was published in the Wall Street Journal on Monday, November 5, 2012, the day before that election. To pass the time as we wait for this year's election, I'm copying it here in its entirety: 

We begin with the three words everyone writing about the election must say: Nobody knows anything. Everyone's guessing. I spent Sunday morning in Washington with journalists and political hands, one of whom said she feels it's Obama, the rest of whom said they don't know. I think it's Romney. I think he's stealing in "like a thief with good tools," in Walker Percy's old words. While everyone is looking at the polls and the storm, Romney's slipping into the presidency. He's quietly rising, and he's been rising for a while. 

Obama and the storm, it was like a wave that lifted him and then moved on, leaving him where he'd been. Parts of Jersey and New York are a cold Katrina. The exact dimensions of the disaster will become clearer when the election is over. One word: infrastructure. Officials knew the storm was coming and everyone knew it would be bad, but the people of the tristate area were not aware, until now, just how vulnerable to deep damage their physical system was. The people in charge of that system are the politicians. Mayor Bloomberg wanted to have the Marathon, to show New York's spirit. In Staten Island last week they were bitterly calling it "the race through the ruins." There is a disconnect. 

But to the election. Who knows what to make of the weighting of the polls and the assumptions as to who will vote? Who knows the depth and breadth of each party's turnout efforts? Among the wisest words spoken this cycle were by John Dickerson of CBS News and Slate, who said, in a conversation the night before the last presidential debate, that he thought maybe the American people were quietly cooking something up, something we don't know about.   

I think they are and I think it's this: a Romney win. 

Romney's crowds are building--28,000 in Morrisville, Pa., last night; 30,000 in West Chester, Ohio, Friday. It isn't only a triumph of advance planning: People came, they got through security and waited for hours in the cold. His rallies look like rallies now, not enactments. In some new way he's caught his stride. He looks happy and grateful. His closing speech has been positive, future-looking, sweetly patriotic. His closing ads are sharp--the one about what's going on at the rallies is moving. 

All the vibrations are right. A person who is helping him who is not a longtime Romneyite told me, yesterday: "I joined because I was anti Obama--I'm a patriot, I'll join up. But now I am pro-Romney." Why? "I've spent time with him and I care about him and admire him. He's a genuinely good man." Looking at the crowds on TV, hearing them chant "Three more days" and "Two more days"--it feels like a lot of Republicans have gone from anti-Obama to pro-Romney. 

Something old is roaring back. One of the Romney campaign's surrogates, who appeared at a rally with him the other night, spoke of the intensity and joy of the crowd. "I worked the rope line, people wouldn't let go of my hand." It startled him. A former political figure who's been in Ohio told me this morning something is moving with evangelicals, other church-going Protestants and religious Catholics. He said what's happening with them is quiet, unreported and spreading: They really want Romney now, they'll go out and vote, the election has taken on a new importance to them. 

There is no denying the Republicans have the passion now, the enthusiasm. The Democrats do not. Independents are breaking for Romney. And there's the thing about the yard signs. In Florida a few weeks ago I saw Romney signs, not Obama ones. From Ohio I hear the same. From tony Northwest Washington D.C., I hear the same.   

Is it possible this whole thing is playing out before our eyes and we're not really noticing because we're too busy looking at data on paper instead of what's in front of us? Maybe that's the real distortion of the polls this year: They left us discounting the world around us. 

And there is Obama, out there seeming tired and wan, showing up through sheer self discipline. A few weeks ago I saw the president and the governor at the Al Smith dinner, and both were beautiful specimens in their white ties and tails, and both worked the dais. But sitting there listening to the jokes and speeches, the archbishop of New York sitting between them, Obama looked like a young challenger--flinty, not so comfortable. He was distracted, and his smiles seemed forced. He looked like a man who'd just seen some bad internal polling. Romney? Expansive, hilarious, self-spoofing, with a few jokes of finely calibrated meanness that were just perfect for the crowd. He looked like a president. He looked like someone who'd just seen good internals. 

Of all people, Obama would know if he is in trouble. When it comes to national presidential races, he is a finely tuned political instrument: He read the field perfectly in 2008. He would know if he's losing now, and it would explain his joylessness on the stump. He is out there doing what he has to to fight the fight. But he's still trying to fire up the base when he ought to be wooing the center and speaking their calm centrist talk. His crowds haven't been big. His people have struggled to fill various venues. This must hurt the president after the tremendous, stupendous crowds of '08. "Voting's the best revenge"--revenge against who, and for what? This is not a man who feels himself on the verge of a grand victory. His campaign doesn't seem president-sized. It is small and sad and lost, driven by formidable will and zero joy. 

I suspect both Romney and Obama have a sense of what's coming, and it's part of why Romney looks so peaceful and Obama so roiled. 

Romney ends most rallies with his story of the Colorado scout troop that in 1986 had an American flag put in the space shuttle Challenger, saw the Challenger blow up as they watched on TV, and then found, through the persistence of their scoutmaster, that the flag had survived the explosion. It was returned to them by NASA officials. When Romney, afterward, was shown the flag, he touched it and an electric jolt went up his arm. It's a nice story. He doesn't make its meaning fully clear. But maybe he means it as a metaphor for America: It can go through a terrible time, a catastrophe, as it has economically the past five years, and still emerge whole, intact, enduring.  

Maybe that's what the coming Romney moment is about: independents, conservatives, Republicans, even some Democrats, thinking: We can turn it around, we can work together, we can right this thing, and he can help.    

Peggy was wrong, of course. A few days after the 2012 election, which Obama won and Romney lost, Peggy had this to say: 

President Obama did not lose, he won. It was not all that close. There was enthusiasm on his side. Mitt Romney's assumed base did not fully emerge, or rather emerged as smaller than it used to be. He appears to have received fewer votes than John McCain. The last rallies of his campaign neither signaled nor reflected a Republican resurgence. Mr Romney's air of peaceful dynamism was the product of a false optimism that, in the closing days, buoyed some conservatives and swept some Republicans. While GOP voters were proud to assert their support with lawn signs, Democratic professionals were quietly organizing, data mining and turning out the vote. Their effort was a bit of a masterpiece; it will likely change national politics forever. Mr. Obama was perhaps not joyless but dogged, determined, and tired.

For what it's worth, Peggy wasn't the only Republican seeing voter enthusiasm and translating it to a big Romney win. The candidate did too, and so did his campaign. According to the after-the-campaign book Double Down, by Mark Halperin and John Heilemann, by the week-end before the election, Romney and his staff were certain he would win:  

[His internal pollsters] had him running ahead in Florida, Colorado, and other battlegrounds; in Ohio, he was leading among independent voters, a reliable barometer of impending victory. Then there was the matter of Republican intensity, which Romney was experiencing firsthand--the size of the crowds, the rabid enthusiasm, the way Believe in America voters, for the first time, were really believing in him. All of it had Romney's gut screaming that he was going to win. 

Is there enough voter enthusiasm for Donald to carry him over the finish line first on election night? Current polls appear to say no, but after the debacle of 2016, I'm petrified to take anything for granted, so I'll simply say I hope not. I can't even begin to think how I'll feel if Donald is reelected. Seriously. It will be unbearable. 

And one more thing: Peggy Noonan has a website (peggynoonan.com, see it here,) and it includes an archive featuring over 1,000 of her Wall Street Journal columns going back to 1999. There are several columns written in 2012, but not "Monday Morning." Is it possible that, upon reflection, Peggy doesn't love her ode to lawn signs and is trying to keep it hidden? Maybe. I just happen to have printed it out back in 2012. Sorry, Peggy.                   

Saturday, July 18, 2020

2024: Time For A List - Updated

Is it too early for a list of possible Republican candidates for president in 2024? Apparently not:


I'm intrigued by the fact that Rothkopf doesn't include the current Vice President. Too damaged by his slobbering, ass-kissing sycophancy towards Donald? Too afraid Donald will boot him off the ticket this year if he appears to be looking ahead? Probably to both, but I'm putting him on my list anyway.

2024 Potential Republican Candidates
  1. Liz Cheney (Representative from Wyoming, daughter of former VP Dick Cheney)
  2. Tom Cotton (Senator from Arkansas)
  3. Nikki Haley (former U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. and former Governor of South Carolina)
  4. Larry Hogan (Governor of Maryland)
  5. Mike Pence (Current VP, former Governor of Indiana)
  6. Mike Pompeo (Current Sec. of State, former representative from Kansas and former director of the CIA)
  7. Mitt Romney (Senator from Utah, former governor of Massachusetts, 2012 Republican nominee for president)

And for a fun blast from the past, can you name all 17 Republicans who were declared candidates in 2016? No? Here's that list:

Declared 2016 GOP Candidates, in order of their official announcement (in 2015):
  1. Ted Cruz (March 23)
  2. Rand Paul (April 7)
  3. Marco Rubio (April 14)
  4. Dr. Ben Carson (May 3)
  5. Carly Fiorina (May 4)
  6. Mike Huckabee (May 5)
  7. Rick Santorum (May 27)
  8. George Pataki (May 28)
  9. Lindsey Graham (June 1)
  10. Rick Perry (June 4)
  11. Jeb Bush (June 15)
  12. Donald Trump (June 16)
  13. Bobby Jindal (June 24)
  14. Chris Christie (June 30)
  15. Scott Walker (July 13)
  16. John Kasich (July 21)
  17. Jim Gilmore (July 30)
Four of these distinguished statesmen are still in the Senate (Cruz, Paul, Rubio and Graham,) two are cabinet secretaries, current (Carson) and former (Perry,) and the rest are out of government. Except for Donald, of course, but hopefully his destiny changes in 108 days. Of the "also rans," my guess is that Cruz and Rubio are pondering another run.

Update: Maryland governor Larry Hogan is another name I'm seeing mentioned as a possible 2024 candidate. I've added him to the list above.

And one more thing. Two of the 2016 candidates, Carly Fiorina and John Kasich, have announced that they support and will vote for Joe Biden.

Days until the election (from Monday 7/20) 106

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Would-Be Presidents Are All Around

Writing at The Atlantic, Sarah Longwell, executive director of Republicans for the Rule of Law and publisher of The Bulwark, says that Mitt Romney is "laying the groundwork for an eventual challenge to Trump." At first, I thought she was talking about the same thing I've been saying here in the blog: that Romney is positioning himself to slide into the presidency (or at least, into the 2020 Republican nomination) if Donald flames out. In fact, Longwell doesn't actually say that directly, but the implication is there.

On the surface she's just encouraging Romney to provide political cover for his Republican colleagues to vote Donald out of office, but let's assume that happens. What happens next? Mike Pence gets the immediate promotion, of course, but if the Republicans want a "fresh start" after the disaster of the Trump era, and I believe they will, they probably won't want Donald's charisma-challenged VP as their standard-bearer for 2020. Who would they want? There are many, many Republicans out there who see a president in the mirror every morning, from Donald's opponents in 2016:

Ted Cruz
Rand Paul
Marco Rubio
Dr. Ben Carson
Carly Fiorina
Mike Huckabee
Rick Santorum
George Pataki
Lindsey Graham
Rick Perry
Jeb Bush
Bobby Jindal
Chris Christie
Scott Walker
John Kasich
Jim Gilmore

... to the declared 2020 candidates, Joe Walsh, Bill Weld and Mark Sanford, to the names in an October 11 Washington Post article titled "So if Trump gets removed, who's the GOP nominee?" including Pence, Romney and Walsh, plus Nikki Haley, Tom Cotton, Josh Hawley, Jeff Flake, Ben Sasse, John Kasich and Mike Pompeo. (Read that article here.)

Would Mitt Romney really be the best post-Trump Republican candidate? On one hand, he's the most recent Republican nominee before Donald and the only one of all these names who has been a general election candidate at the presidential level. On the other hand, Mitt lost that race and the things that were problematic for him in 2012 haven't just gone away, as he learned when he pondered running in 2016. Still, if Mitt is seen as the brave and principled warrior who saved the country from Donald Trump, he may also be seen as the last best hope for Republicans in 2020.

For a different perspective about Romney, click here to read another article at The Atlantic, titled The Liberation of Mitt Romney, dated October 20 and written by McKay Coppins. It includes a statement from Mitt that he's not planning to run again, but I would take that as pro forma and not binding.

As I'm thinking about all this, a song from the musical Evita is running through my head. It comes at the end of Act One. Juan Peron is out of power in Argentina, contemplating the wrath of his political opponents. His ambitious wife Evita encourages him to stay the course:

It doesn't matter what those morons say
Our nation's leaders are a feeble crew
There's only twenty of them anyway
What is twenty next to millions who
Are looking to you? 

All you have to do is sit and wait
Keeping out of everybody's way
We'll ... you'll be handed power on a plate
When the ones who matter have their say
And with chaos installed
You can reluctantly agree to be called

Watch it here:




Would Pierre Delecto, oops, I mean Mitt Romney, "reluctantly" agree to be called? I'd bet Rafalca on it.

In the meantime, this is Longwell's article in its entirety:

Donald Trump has never feared another elected Republican. Over the course of five years, he has bullied and insulted, mocked and complained about nearly every GOP officeholder past and present, including George W. Bush and Marco Rubio, Ted Cruz and Jeff Flake. He knew that the Republicans who dared to stand up to him couldn’t hurt him (Bob Corker), and that the Republicans who could have hurt him wouldn’t dare stand up to him (Paul Ryan).

All of which has led Trump to believe that there is no possible danger of the Republican Party being pried from his grasp. But Trump may at last need to rethink that calculus.

Mitt Romney’s attempt to excise Trump from his party started early. In March 2016, he became the only former Republican presidential nominee to take a public position against Trump’s candidacy. This act of resistance didn’t work, however, because while Romney had moral authority, he had no real power.

That situation changed this year, when Romney again became an elected official. On January 1, 2019, the newly minted Senator Romney announced his arrival in Washington with an op-ed in The Washington Post titled, “The President Shapes the Public Character of the Nation. Trump’s Character Falls Short.”

After having softened his criticism of the president and even tacitly accepting his endorsement during his Senate campaign in Utah, Romney wrote:

To a great degree, a presidency shapes the public character of the nation. A president should unite us and inspire us to follow “our better angels.” A president should demonstrate the essential qualities of honesty and integrity, and elevate the national discourse with comity and mutual respect. As a nation, we have been blessed with presidents who have called on the greatness of the American spirit. With the nation so divided, resentful and angry, presidential leadership in qualities of character is indispensable. And it is in this province where the incumbent’s shortfall has been most glaring.

Democrats and some pundits sniffed that Romney was just another Jeff Flake, all bark and no bite. Republicans derided the decision to call Trump out, with many of them attacking Romney in response—including his own niece, the chairwoman of the Republican National Committee, who called his criticism “disappointing and unproductive.”

The backlash to the op-ed was a crash course in “damned if you do, damned if you don’t.” But if you look closely, you can see that Romney was laying the groundwork for an eventual challenge to Trump. He was getting into position to get into position.

That said, he didn’t mobilize over the Mueller report, saying only that he was “sickened” by what the special counsel uncovered. Romney’s relatively low profile and mere brow furrowing exasperated Democrats and worried apostate Republicans (like me) who held out hope that Romney might become a Goldwater-like figure in the Senate: a former presidential nominee with the clout to exact some accountability from his party’s president.

Now it looks like Romney was playing the long game, waiting for a moment when there might be leverage for him not simply to annoy Trump, but to be in the jury box rendering a verdict on his presidency. Which is exactly where the whistle-blower report about Trump and his dealings with Ukraine may put him. Suddenly we’ve gone from an environment where impeachment couldn’t even clear the House Democratic caucus to one where polling support for impeachment and removal is above 50 percent, and rising.

Romney has not rushed to get ahead of the process. Instead, he’s engaged with characteristic caution. At first, he called the allegations “troubling in the extreme.” When the readout of Trump’s call with President Volodymyr Zelensky and the whistle-blower complaint became public, providing clearer evidence that the president had courted foreign interference in the coming election, and seemingly pressured a vulnerable ally to do the interfering, Romney stepped up his criticism, calling it “wrong and appalling.”

After Trump pulled American troops out of Syria and abandoned America’s Kurdish allies to slaughter, Romney delivered a blistering indictment of the administration’s betrayal on the Senate floor, saying, “What we have done to the Kurds will stand as a blood stain in the annals of American history.”

People assume that because Republicans have for the most part let Trump be Trump, they have no influence over him. But we saw recently that this isn’t true: Trump walked back the Doral G7 summit after Republicans expressed outrage. The right Republicans, in the right circumstances, can roll him.

Now circumstances are evolving to the point where Romney may be able to lead his colleagues to break with the administration if—or rather when—the president is impeached by the House.

Jeff Flake has speculated that 35 or more Republican senators might vote in an impeachment trial to remove Trump from office, but only if the vote were held in secret. Whatever the real number is, the senators face a collective-action problem. Politically, their safest bet is to move as one, announcing their openness to removal as a bloc. The president can say what he wants about this or that senator. But he wouldn’t be able to claim—with any credibility beyond his most cultlike followers—that a group composed of 10 or more Republican senators is just a cabal of dishonest, no-good losers secretly working for the Democrats.

Part of any collective-action problem is the disincentive to go first. Senators who want to vote against Trump will want to wait until the last minute, letting their more courageous colleagues take the political hit by going first. The senator going first might get hailed as a hero when the history books are written. But in the moment, he or she will be used as a human shield. It won’t be fun, and it’s a big ask for any sitting Republican.

Romney is best suited for the job. We already know, from The Atlantic’s McKay Coppins, that Romney is “taking the prospect of a Senate trial seriously—he’s reviewing The Federalist Papers, brushing up on parliamentary procedure, and staying open to the idea that the president may need to be evicted from the Oval Office.” He’s not up for reelection until 2024, which gives him the maximum amount of leeway to make difficult votes. Even then, he represents Utah, a deep-red state where Trump’s approval rating has been underwater for much of his presidency. And that’s all assuming that Romney would even want to run for another six-year term at age 77. This all points to Romney as the perfect person to overcome the collective-action problem—he has more stature and political capital than anyone else in the Senate, but he also has the least to lose.


Days until Election Day: 376

Monday, October 21, 2019

The Guessing Game (And Mitt's Secret Twitter Account) - Updated

What will be on the cover of People this week? My guesses:

Jennifer Lawrence: A lavish wedding in Rhode Island
Harry and Meghan: A documentary about their Africa trip, it will be shown on ABC this Wednesday night. Meghan talks about the stress of her position; there's also talk that they may take some time off at the end of the year
William and Kate: Their nostalgic and successful trip to Pakistan, did Harry just confirm a "rift?" (Not really)
Elijah Cummings: The long-time congressman from Maryland died at 68
Jennifer Aniston: She's now on Instagram with over 15 million followers in less than a week
Adam Rippon: The skater published a memoir
Arnold Schwarzenegger and/or Linda Hamilton: Terminator: Dark Force opens November 1. I read that producer James Cameron has said that he likes the idea of an action film starring a 62-year-old actress, who, by-the-way, is his ex-wife
Keanan Lowe: The high school football coach in Portland Oregon who disarmed a teen-ager at school, then hugged him until the cops arrived
Bill Macy: The actor died at 97 after a long career
Christian Bale and/or Matt Damon: Their movie "Ford v. Ferrari" opens November 15
Kim Kardashian: Turns 39 on October 21, she and Kanye renewed their wedding vows
Felicity Huffman: A picture from prison
Mitt Romney: Mittens has a secret Twitter account, using the nom de tweet Pierre Delecto, which makes him a member of the pantheon that includes Carlos Danger and John Barron; I will be seriously disappointed if Pierre isn't featured on this week's cover: 






Slate writer Ashley Feinberg was the first to sleuth it out:



 A screenshot of @qaws9876's Twitter account


Read Ashley's article here; this is how the Washington Post starts their article about Pierre: 

For years, Pierre Delecto’s presence on Twitter largely went unnoticed. Operating a bare-bones account with the handle @qaws9876, the user’s limited activity revealed only an interest in politics — namely, supporting Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah). So when “Pierre Delecto” started trending Sunday on the social media platform, people were understandably confused.

“Why are we talking about Pierre Delecto,” one person asked.

“WTH is a Pierre Delecto & why is everyone going crazy about it?” another wanted to know.

On Sunday, Twitter users lost their collective minds when they learned that Pierre Delecto wasn’t a bot or a random Romney superfan, but an account run by the Republican senator himself. As Delecto, Romney, who has become one of President Trump’s most vocal GOP critics, used the account to like critical tweets about the president, while also occasionally defending himself against detractors. By early Monday, the unusual pseudonym was a trending moment on Twitter and had been mentioned in more than 47,000 tweets.
(Read more here.) 

Stories that appear on the new cover will be highlighted in green. 

Update. Dennis Quaid: The 65-year old actor just got engaged to his 26-year-old girlfriend 
The Crown: Netflix released a full-length trailer for Season 3:



Update #2. See the new cover, featuring Duchess Meghan, here. 

Friday, October 11, 2019

Resign And Get It Over With? - Updated

Writing at Bloomberg Opinion, political scientist Jonathan Bernstein ponders possible outcomes of the impeachment story. Resignation by Trump is his second-most likely:

With new twists in the story of President Donald Trump’s looming impeachment coming every day — at times seemingly every hour — let’s try jumping ahead to the end. Here are four possible outcomes of this process, ranked from most to least likely.

By far the most likely endgame is that Trump is impeached by the House and then acquitted in the Senate. House Democrats seem determined to move ahead, even if they get no support from Republicans. But on the Senate side, where 67 votes are needed and there are only 47 Democrats, it’s very hard to imagine 20 Republicans voting to remove the president. Gradations of support still may matter. If Democrats wind up with fewer than 47 “yes” votes, for instance, that would be a political disaster; even a single Republican plus all Democrats would be better. Better still for them would be a chamber majority — not least because, if defecting Republicans voted with united Democrats, they could force trial rules favorable to impeachment supporters.

After that, we’re really just guessing. But if I had to bet on a different outcome it would be Trump’s resignation. I’ve seen some speculation that Trump would, unlike President Richard Nixon, fight to the bitter end. But that’s what everyone, including Nixon, expected in 1974. Once Nixon was certain to lose, he realized that putting the nation — and himself — through such an ordeal was pointless. There’s also the possibility of a Spiro Agnew-like ploy. Facing corruption charges, Agnew, Nixon’s first vice president, accepted a deal in which he resigned from office and pleaded no contest to one offense, while the attorney general agreed to forgo further prosecution. If Trump faces prison but could avoid it by quitting, I’d expect him to take that deal. We’re a long way from either scenario, but it’s not hard to see a path from here to there. It would simply require a gradual weakening of Republican support — as it is, very few Republicans are eager to come to the microphones to defend Trump — until eventually it collapsed.

Less likely would be the entire impeachment movement fizzling out in the House. I’d be quite surprised by that at this point. It’s possible that the evidence against the president could turn out to be weaker than it now appears, or that the politics of the situation change. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi no doubt still sees the drawbacks of a party-line impeachment and acquittal. But as of now, it’s hard to see how this train gets stopped. I’m tempted to say this is actually the least likely outcome, except that ...

It’s still difficult to imagine how this ends in removal, something that has never happened to a president. My read of the situation is that a 67 to 33 Senate vote to oust the president is unlikely. Again, there just aren’t 20 Republicans whose support for Trump is soft. That means he’d only be removed after a trial if the whole party turned against him, including a lot of Republican-aligned interest groups and media outlets. The final Senate vote in that case would probably be something like 87 to 13 or even closer to unanimous, with only a handful of radicals holding out.

Even if the party is behind them, however, Republican senators still aren’t going to want to take that vote. Nor are they going to want to sit through a trial that airs Trump’s dirty laundry and might make more than a few other Republicans look bad. Plus, they’re going to be in a hurry to find another presidential nominee while leaving as much time as possible between removing Trump and the election. Which is why, if removal looks like a foregone conclusion, everyone is going to put heavy pressure on Trump to simply resign and get it over with.


I quoted the last sentence in the title of this post, but the second-to-last sentence is interesting too:

... they’re going to be in a hurry to find another presidential nominee while leaving as much time as possible between removing Trump and the election.

Another presidential nominee? If Donald is removed or resigns, Mike Pence automatically becomes president. Wouldn't President Pence also be the obvious (and best) choice to be the 2020 Republican nominee? Apparently Bernstein doesn't think so, and as I've said here before, neither do I. 

Update: Great minds think alike? After I published this post I went to the homepage of the Washington Post, which currently has not one but two stories contemplating the possibility that Donald will not be the Republican nominee in 2020. The first, titled "So if Trump gets removed, who's the GOP nominee?" includes a list of potential replacement candidates, some with comments:

1. Mike Pence. Comments: Pence would start in the pole position if Trump were removed from office. But he has never been a formidable figure to national Republicans, and plenty of party activists - pro- and anti-Trump - would want a fresher start if Trump were gone. He'd have to expect a serious challenge. 

2. Mitt Romney. Comments: If the GOP had to come up with a candidate on short notice, Romney fits the bill. Heck, did he ever stop running for president after 2008? The irony is that if the GOP could/would/had to rid itself of the incumbent president, it would be free to occupy the large void in the middle of American politics. A center-right Romney-Haley ticket would probably get 55% percent of the vote against Warren, or maybe Biden too. 

3. Nikki Haley. Comments: Haley denounced Trump's move to abandon the Kurds. She might be the only person acceptable to both pro- and anti-Trump Republicans. 

4. Tom Cotton

5. Josh Hawley. Comments: Hawley would probably be too young to become the nominee. But he is fast becoming a favorite among evangelical Christians who want someone who shares their values without being too identified as one of them. He would make an attractive vice-presidential pick for the nominee, especially if former U.N. ambassador Nikki Haley were to emerge on top.   

6. Jeff Flake. Comments: Mr. Conscience of a Conservative wants Republicans to "save their souls." Perhaps he could convince voters the best place to buy a ticket to heaven is at the ballot box. And as far as his own celestial fate goes, he might earn some points by running instead of telling other people to do it. 

7. Ben Sasse

8. (Tie) John Kasich

8. (Tie) Mike Pompeo

10. Joe Walsh  

Joe Walsh is the only one of the three declared Republican candidates who made the list. Who are the others? Bill Weld and Mark Sanford. Who's Josh Hawley? (I admit I didn't know when I first saw this list. Please don't judge.) He's the junior senator from Missouri, age 39, having defeated Claire McCaskill in 2018. (Read the rest of the article here.)

The second article, titled "How likely is it Trump will be on the ballot in 2020?" is a column from Jennifer Rubin, a regular opinion writer at the Post. Here are her thoughts on the subject, along with the (unpleasant) picture of Donald, taken yesterday, that accompanies her article: 

President Trump outside the White House on Thursday. (Alex Wroblewski/Bloomberg)
photo credit: Alex Wroblewski/Bloomberg

A normal political party — either for political convenience or some remote sense of propriety — would have dumped this guy a long time ago (before, for example, he consigned the Kurds in Syria to a genocide). Trump and the current Republican Party are anything but normal. Their utter shamelessness and the use of propagandist (false) Fox News keeps them bound together in the belief that they can survive this.

How rational is it for Republicans to not only continue carrying his dirty water but supporting his reelection? They would, in 2020, be running with a candidate who comes into their state (if it is remotely winnable for Trump, who exaggerates what “remotely winnable” encompasses), declaring that going to foreign countries to get dirt on rivals is perfectly fine. Ads tying them to his inane defenses and confessions (there is overlap there, I grant you) will rain down upon them.

A presidential nominee with a track record such as Trump’s, and who lost the popular vote in 2016, and who has done nothing but offend voters outside his core base, would ordinarily portend disaster for his party up and down the ticket. Perhaps the incumbent cowards would rather risk losing and watching the Senate and White House turn over to the Democrats than speak out against Trump. They’d rather go down with the cult, for at least they might have a shot at jobs in right-wing organizations.

Other than that, I cannot think of a single, logical reason the Republican Party would want to go into 2020 with this guy. (Who knows which characters — e.g., former national security adviser John Bolton, Trump lawyer Rudolph W. Giuliani, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, Attorney General William P. Barr — will finally testify against Trump in an effort to save their own skins?)

The latest Fox News poll understandably shook up the president, who blasted the network for releasing a harmful poll. His approval is deep in the red (43 percent approve, 55 percent disapprove, with 47 percent disapproving strongly). He is trailing among all women, white women, suburban women (56 percent strongly disapprove) and white college-educated women (57 percent strongly disapprove) as well as white non-college educated women (43 percent strongly disapprove). Unless there are states with no women, Trump looks ready to get pummeled in 2020.


Republicans have been granted an off-ramp from the Trump traffic jam, a way of perhaps saving the Senate and holding down losses in the House. All they need do is declare they will not support him in 2020. It would be easier to get a somewhat competitive candidate to win 30 to 35 percent in an early primary race to help nudge him off stage but it is not, strictly speaking, necessary. All they need is a modicum of common sense and a mammalian survival instinct. Well, yes, that’s why he is still a better than even chance to be the nominee. But the odds are increasing that Republicans one way or another may be forced to shove him aside. When they do, the potential replacement better not be someone who excused the inexcusable. (Read the column here.)  

A few more random thoughts: 

For a brief moment in history, Joe Walsh was my Congressman. He ran in 2010 against incumbent Democrat Melissa Bean and wasn't expected to win. She had exponentially more money in her war chest; he had never been elected to anything and got minimal support from the Republican party. I never saw her name on any list of endangered incumbents or districts at risk of flipping. Because I volunteered on the Melissa Bean campaign, I was at what was supposed to be her victory party on election night. As the night went on the race was too close to call, so eventually they sent everyone home. A couple of days later, after a recount, Walsh was the winner, part of the big Tea Party movement of 2010. He only served one term, however. He was defeated in 2012 by Tammy Duckworth.  

There's one more scenario that's not being discussed much. Call it the LBJ option, or possibly the "declare victory and leave the field" option: If neither impeachment/removal or a Trump resignation happen, Donald could serve out this term but choose not to run in 2020. 

As Donald's troubles mount, are writers and photo editors deliberating using the most unpleasant and/or unflattering pictures of him? It certainly looks that way in my Twitter feed. 

"If the GOP had to come up with a candidate on short notice" These are the words next to Mitt Romney's name on the above list, and as I've said here before, I believe that's the main reason Romney decided to run for a senate seat in 2018. In a post dated January 26 of this year, I wrote this: 

I don't for one minute believe that Romney, at the age of 71, has any real interest in being the 97th-most senior member of the U.S. Senate, which is what he currently is. I've thought from the moment he announced his run that his real reason for getting himself elected to the senate is strategic, based on the belief that Donald may not last his full term: Mittens wants to be in position to raise his hand and humbly offer to serve. (To be clear, and obviously, if Donald leaves office for any reason, the VP automatically becomes president. I'm talking about Senator Romney offering to be the 2020 nominee.) (Read the entire post here.)

Update #2. Jonathan Bernstein continues to point out ways in which Trump's situation is similar to Nixon's, as well as ways in which it is not. Note that in the second tweet, I think he means "kids":


Update #3 on Monday evening. A few more unpleasant, or possibly unhinged, pictures of Donald, from his rally in Minneapolis last Thursday night.

From NY Mag:




From the Washington Post:

President Donald Trump delivers remarks during a Keep America Great campaign rally at the Target Center in Minneapolis on Thursday.  (Ricky Carioti/The Washington Post)

From CNN:

Image result for Trump Oct 11 rally minneapolis


Update #4 on Friday, October 18. I'm not the only one considering the LBJ scenario. It came up in reporter Aaron Blake's Friday live chat at the Washington Post:

Q: GOP Plan B

Hypothetical scenario. Trump says he's not running in 2020 because why not. Who are the front runners to challenge Biden/Warren?

A: Aaron Blake

Good one!

-Pence

-Haley

-Sasse

-Cruz

-Portman

-Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey

And I wouldn't be surprised if Romney looked at it, honestly.
(You can read the entire chat here.)

Update #5 on Saturday, October 19. Another bad picture of Donald. I said previously that Trump's increasingly unpleasant appearance is indicative of his deterioriating mental state, and it's still true: 





Wednesday, September 25, 2019

More - Updated

It's going to be a big news day, I'll add to this post whenever I see something that interests me. I'll start with this headline at CNN.com:

"Trump incredulous after his moves on transparency failed to stop Pelosi." The story starts with this:

President Donald Trump was incredulous Tuesday as he sat in Trump Tower and watched House Speaker Nancy Pelosi announce she was launching a formal impeachment inquiry against him, sources familiar with the moment say. Sitting in the same building where he launched his long shot presidential campaign four years ago, Trump said he couldn't believe it, he later told people.

He had felt confident after phoning Pelosi earlier that morning. The drive for impeachment in her caucus had ramped up amid reports he pushed the Ukrainian President to investigate Joe Biden, and Trump was hoping to head off a clash. He figured he could de-escalate tensions by speaking with her directly.

It was after that call that Trump made the decision to release an "unredacted" version of the transcript of his July call -- against the advice of aides such as Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who warned him it would set a risky precedent. Trump wanted to undercut the argument from Democrats that he acted inappropriately, he said, and felt he had nothing to hide.
(Read the rest of the article here.)

Back in January, in a post about when Donald would be allowed to give his State of the Union address in the House chambers, I said this about Nancy Pelosi:

Donald isn't used to dealing with a woman who's smarter than he is, stronger than he is and savvier than he is. Right now she also appears to be more powerful than he is. Donald sees women as either sex partners or subordinates. The women he interacts with most are employed by him and/or dependent on him. Speaker Pelosi is neither. He's not her husband, he's not her boss and he's not her daddy. She's not afraid of him and she's not intimidated by him. She's exponentially better at her job than he is at his.

It's still true. You can read that post here

Update #1. The White House has released a record of Donald's call with the president of Ukraine. How bad is it? Talking Points Memo titled their first story about it "As Bad As It Gets: Trump Ukraine Call Records Are Explosive." This is the article in its entirety: 

President Trump told the Ukrainian president to work with Attorney General Bill Barr on investigating debunked allegations around his political opponent Joe Biden, according to a White House record of a July 25 phone call between the two leaders.

The five-page record of the call has been at the center of a political firestorm over Trump’s – and his attorney Rudy Giuliani’s – efforts to pressure Ukraine into manufacturing political dirt on Democratic frontrunner Joe Biden. The Trump call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is the subject of whistleblower’s complaint from the intelligence community that has spurred House Democrats to launch an impeachment inquiry, posing a grave new threat the Trump presidency.

The White House’s version of the call appears to contain notes that constitute a “memorandum” of the telephone conversation between the two leaders.

Trump referenced “Rudy,” the memorandum shows, and asks Zelensky to “speak with him.”

Trump also references “a lot of talk about Biden’s son.” He goes on to tell Zelensky, the memorandum says, that “Biden stopped the prosecution and a lot of people want to find out about that.”

Trump goes on to say that “whatever you can do with the Attorney General would be great.”

In a Wednesday statement, Barr said that he only learned of the call “several weeks” after it took place, upon receiving a criminal referral from the Intelligence Community Inspector General. Barr denied having any communications with Ukraine, and also said that neither Trump nor Giuliani had directed him to work with Ukraine on the Biden issue, or any other.

Trump also disparaged the testimony of Special Counsel Robert Mueller before Congress the day before – July 24, urging Zelensky to help with an investigation of the origins of the Russia probe which, Trump purportedly said, “started with Ukraine.” He added that Zelensky should “find out what happened with this whole situation with Ukraine.”

“As you saw yesterday, that whole nonsense ended with a very poor performance by a man named Robert Mueller,” Trump added.

“I will have Mr. Giuliani give you a call and I am also going to have Attorney General Barr call and we will get to the bottom of it,” Trump later told Zelensky, according to the record.

Zelensky replied that the chief prosecutor he then intended to appoint would be “100% my person.” The Ukrainian president added: “He or she will look into the situation, specifically to the company that you mentioned in this issue.”

Zelensky also referred to former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Marie Yovanovitch on the White House’s version of the call, who stepped down after lobbying from Giuliani, saying that “it was great that you were the first one who told me that she was a bad ambassador because I agree with you 100%”

Zelensky later added to Trump that last time he was in the United States, he “stayed at the Trump Tower.”

Click here to see a pdf of the call summary. 

Update #2. In the "no zealot like a convert" category, our friend The Mooch takes the prize: 





Tony Schwartz isn't a convert; he was Trump's first biographer and he's known the truth about Donald since the beginning. Here's his take, from yesterday;



This is the question I've been wondering about:


From political scientist Jonathan Bernstein:


Update #3. They really are incompetent:






If it was a secret ballot...




If anything is going to make Donald's head explode today, it's this: ("President Pence")


"They loathe Donald Trump..." An interesting comment from Joe Scarborough during his show this morning. Note that he was speaking before the call summary came out:

"Yesterday I heard in the afternoon after Nancy Pelosi’s speech, her people are already gaming this out, saying what the House is going to do, and then what the Senate was going to do and I understand that the Republicans blindly follow Donald Trump, I understand all of that but you can go back and you can look at Watergate, you can look at the Mueller Report. You see these investigations don’t always go the way the politicians or pundits planned. Nobody expected Watergate to end up where it did and here I go back to David Drucker’s story in Vanity Fair. We talked to him yesterday. And he uncovered a truth that we all know and that is Republicans on the Hill loathe, loathe, I can’t say it enough. They loathe Donald Trump personally, they blame him for the chaos that’s going on in Washington and stopping them from getting more things done. We don’t know what‘s going to happen do we? Maybe evidence comes out, we don’t know what happens when the levee breaks but that is a possibility. And the fact that nobody on the Hill is actually personally loyal to Donald Trump means we don’t know how any of this ends up."

On Monday David Drucker posted a story at Vanity Fair titled "Boom or Bust: How Republicans Are Surviving Life In The Trump Vortex;" I think that's what Joe is referring to. Read it here.

Along those same lines, this is from a story at the Washington Post posted late this morning, and yes, Mittens is still troubled:

Several Senate Republicans were stunned Wednesday and questioned the White House’s judgment after it released a rough transcript of President Trump’s call with the Ukraine president that showed Trump offering the help of the U.S. attorney general to investigate Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden.

One Senate Republican, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to speak candidly, said the transcript’s release was a “huge mistake” that the GOP now has to confront, even as they argue that House Democrats are overreaching with their impeachment effort.

A top Senate GOP aide said Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) is expecting Wednesday’s closed-door lunch to be eventful and possibly tense as Republicans react to the transcript and debate their next step.

“It remains troubling in the extreme. It’s deeply troubling,” Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah) told reporters Wednesday, when asked about the transcript.

...While many Republicans continue to dismiss Democrats’ impeachment efforts, cracks have begun to emerge privately as GOP lawmakers have discussed Trump’s conduct and their party’s political standing — and those fault lines could foreshadow how Senate Republicans ultimately handle a trial, should the House impeach the president, according to several lawmakers and aides.
(Read the article here.)


Update #4, (probably) the last update for tonight. An interesting thought from David Rothkopf. I've stated here before my believe that the only reason Mitt Romney got himself elected to the Senate in 2018 was so he'd be in position to step up if Donald flamed out. It's also interesting that Rothkopf thinks Pence doesn't have a chance; to be clear, I don't think so either, he's too closely tied to Donald:   



Saturday, September 21, 2019

Ukraine-gate? - Updated

Are we calling it Ukraine-gate yet? Trouble is brewing for Donald concerning a phone call with the president of Ukraine. An article at the Washington Post, titled "How Trump and Giuliani pressured Ukraine to investigate the president’s rivals," starts with this:

When President Trump spoke on the telephone with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in late July, the Ukrainians had a lot at stake. They were waiting on millions in stalled military aid from the United States, and Zelensky was seeking a high-priority White House meeting with Trump.

Trump told his Ukrainian counterpart that his country could improve its image if it completed corruption cases that have “inhibited the interaction between Ukraine and the USA,” according to a readout of the call released by Kiev.

What neither government said publicly at the time was that Trump went even further — specifically pressing Ukraine’s president to reopen a corruption investigation involving former vice president Joe Biden’s son, according to two people familiar with the call, which is now the subject of an explosive whistleblower complaint
. (Read the article here.) 

How bad is it? This is some of what I'm seeing in my Twitter feed: 










This is Nichols' article in its entirety: 

The president of the United States reportedly sought the help of a foreign government against an American citizen who might challenge him for his office. This is the single most important revelation in a scoop by The Wall Street Journal, and if it is true, then President Donald Trump should be impeached and removed from office immediately.

Until now, there was room for reasonable disagreement over impeachment as both a matter of politics and a matter of tactics. The Mueller report revealed despicably unpatriotic behavior by Trump and his minions, but it did not trigger a political judgment with a majority of Americans that it warranted impeachment. The Democrats, for their part, remained unwilling to risk their new majority in Congress on a move destined to fail in a Republican-controlled Senate.

Now, however, we face an entirely new situation. In a call to the new president of Ukraine, Trump reportedly attempted to pressure the leader of a sovereign state into conducting an investigation—a witch hunt, one might call it—of a U.S. citizen, former Vice President Joe Biden, and his son Hunter Biden.

As the Ukrainian Interior Ministry official Anton Gerashchenko told the Daily Beast when asked about the president’s apparent requests, “Clearly, Trump is now looking for kompromat to discredit his opponent Biden, to take revenge for his friend Paul Manafort, who is serving seven years in prison.”

Clearly.

If this in itself is not impeachable, then the concept has no meaning. Trump’s grubby commandeering of the presidency’s fearsome and nearly uncheckable powers in foreign policy for his own ends is a gross abuse of power and an affront both to our constitutional order and to the integrity of our elections.

The story may even be worse than we know. If Trump tried to use military aid to Ukraine as leverage, as reporters are now investigating, then he held Ukrainian and American security hostage to his political vendettas. It means nothing to say that no such deal was reached; the important point is that Trump abused his position in the Oval Office.

In this matter, we need not rely on a newspaper account, nor even on the complaint, so far unseen, of a whistle-blower. Instead, we have a sweaty, panicked admission on national television by Trump’s bizarre homunculus, Rudy Giuliani, that he did in fact seek such an investigation on Trump’s behalf. Giuliani later again confirmed Trump’s role, tweeting that a “President telling a Pres-elect of a well known corrupt country he better investigate corruption that affects US is doing his job.”

Let us try, as we always find ourselves doing in the age of Trump, to think about how Americans might react if this happened in any other administration. Imagine, for example, if Bill Clinton had called his friend, Russian President Boris Yeltsin, in 1996, and asked him to investigate Bob Dole. Or if George W. Bush had called, say, President Vicente Fox of Mexico in 2004 and asked him—indeed, asked him eight times, according to The Wall Street Journal—to open a case against John Kerry. Clinton, of course, was eventually impeached for far less than that. Is there any doubt that either man would have been put on trial in the Senate, and likely chased from office?

The Republicans, predictably, have decided to choose their party over their country, and the damage control and lying have begun. Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri, for one, has already floated the reliable “deep-state attack” nonsense that will play well on Fox and other conservative outlets. And while Giuliani did Trump no favors with his incoherent ranting on CNN, he did manage to hammer away at the idea that Biden, and not Trump, tried to shake down the Ukrainians while he was vice president.

The problem for Giuliani, the Republicans, and the president himself, however, is that Biden and his actions are now irrelevant to the offenses committed by Trump. The accusations against Joe Biden are false, as we know from multiple fact checks and from the Ukrainians themselves (which is why I won’t deign to repeat them here). But even to argue over this fable about Biden is to miss the point, because it changes nothing about Trump’s attempts to enmesh Biden in a foreign investigation for Trump’s own purposes.

There is no spin, no deflection, no alternative theory of the case that can get around the central fact that President Trump reportedly attempted to use his office for his own gain, and that he put the foreign policy and the national security of the United States at risk while doing so. He ignored his duty as the commander in chief by intentionally trying to place an American citizen in jeopardy with a foreign government. He abandoned his obligations to the Constitution by elevating his own interests over the national interest. By comparison, Watergate was a complicated judgment call.

In a better time and in a better country, Republicans would now join with Democrats and press for Trump’s impeachment. This won’t happen, of course; even many of Biden’s competitors for the presidency seem to be keeping their distance from this mess, perhaps in the hope that Biden and Trump will engage in a kind of mutually assured political destruction. (Elizabeth Warren, for one, renewed her call for impeachment—but without mentioning Biden.) This is to their shame. The Democratic candidates should now unite around a call for an impeachment investigation, not for Biden’s sake, but to protect the sanctity of our elections from a predatory president who has made it clear he will stop at nothing to stay in the White House.

I am speaking only for myself as an American citizen. I believe in our Constitution, and therefore I must accept that Donald Trump is the president and the commander in chief until the Congress or the people of the United States say otherwise. But if this kind of dangerous, unhinged hijacking of the powers of the presidency is not enough for either the citizens or their elected leaders to demand Trump’s removal, then we no longer have an accountable executive branch, and we might as well just admit that we have chosen to elect a monarch and be done with the illusion of constitutional order in the United States.


In other Trump news, an Australian reporter visiting our country is "stunned" at Donald's incoherence. Lenore Taylor is the editor of Guardian Australia; in an article titled "As a foreign reporter visiting the U.S. I was stunned by Trump's press conference," and subtitled "Despite being subjected to a daily diet of Trump headlines, I was unprepared for the president's alarming incoherence," she has this to say about Donald's inability to form a coherent sentence: 

As a regular news reader I thought I was across the eccentricities of the US president. Most mornings in Australia begin with news from America – the bid to buy Greenland, adjustments to a weather map hand-drawn with a Sharpie or another self-aggrandising tweet. Our headlines and news bulletins, like headlines and news bulletins everywhere, are full of Trump.

As a political reporter for most of the last 30 years I have also endured many long and rambling political press conferences with Australian prime ministers and world leaders.

But watching a full presidential Trump press conference while visiting the US this week I realised how much the reporting of Trump necessarily edits and parses his words, to force it into sequential paragraphs or impose meaning where it is difficult to detect.

The press conference I tuned into by chance from my New York hotel room was held in Otay Mesa, California, and concerned a renovated section of the wall on the Mexican border.

I joined as the president was explaining at length how powerful the concrete was. Very powerful, it turns out. It was unlike any wall ever built, incorporating the most advanced “concrete technology”. It was so exceptional that would-be wall-builders from three unnamed countries had visited to learn from it.

There were inner tubes in the wall that were also filled with concrete, poured in via funnels, and also “rebars” so the wall would withstand anyone attempting to cut through it with a blowtorch.

The wall went very deep and could not be burrowed under. Prototypes had been tested by 20 “world-class mountain climbers – That’s all they do, they love to climb mountains”, who had been unable to scale it.

It was also “wired, so that we will know if somebody is trying to break through”, although one of the attending officials declined a presidential invitation to discuss this wiring further, saying, “Sir, there could be some merit in not discussing it”, which the president said was a “very good answer”.

The wall was “amazing”, “world class”, “virtually impenetrable” and also “a good, strong rust colour” that could later be painted. It was designed to absorb heat, so it was “hot enough to fry an egg on”. There were no eggs to hand, but the president did sign his name on it and spoke for so long the TV feed eventually cut away, promising to return if news was ever made.

He did, at one point, concede that would-be immigrants, unable to scale, burrow, blow torch or risk being burned, could always walk around the incomplete structure, but that would require them walking a long way. This seemed to me to be an important point, but the monologue quickly returned to the concrete.

In writing about this not-especially-important or unusual press conference I’ve run into what US reporters must encounter every day. I’ve edited skittering, half-finished sentences to present them in some kind of consequential order and repeated remarks that made little sense.

In most circumstances, presenting information in as intelligible a form as possible is what we are trained for. But the shock I felt hearing half an hour of unfiltered meanderings from the president of the United States made me wonder whether the editing does our readers a disservice.

I’ve read so many stories about his bluster and boasting and ill-founded attacks, I’ve listened to speeches and hours of analysis, and yet I was still taken back by just how disjointed and meandering the unedited president could sound. Here he was trying to land the message that he had delivered at least something towards one of his biggest campaign promises and sounding like a construction manager with some long-winded and badly improvised sales lines.

I’d understood the dilemma of normalising Trump’s ideas and policies – the racism, misogyny and demonisation of the free press. But watching just one press conference from Otay Mesa helped me understand how the process of reporting about this president can mask and normalise his full and alarming incoherence.
Our Election Day is 408 days away. Will Donald still be in office on November 3, 2020? Unfortunately the answer is "probably." Will he be voted out of office by appalled American voters? Lord I hope so. 

In the meantime, consider this: In August, 1974, it was a tape recording of a specific conversation that turned the tide of the Watergate scandal and made Richard Nixon's removal from office a virtual certainty; he resigned before that could happen. If there's a recording of Donald's conversation with the president of Ukraine, and presumably there is, could it have the same effect on Donald's career? Possibly.


Update on Sunday afternoon. A little historical tidbit from Rick Wilson:





Update #2. Mittens weighs in:




Update #3 on Monday morning. As I see interesting comments related to 
the Ukraine story, I'll add them to this post. So far I haven't seen anyone
else using the term Ukraine-gate, but references to Watergate, or, more
broadly, to the Watergate era, are increasing.   



Update #4. More from Mitt Romney: